Welcome

Website counter
website hit counter
website hit counters

Twitter

Follow palashbiswaskl on Twitter

Sunday, July 21, 2013

Come Bidden! we have to sell off our defence! US Vice President Joe Biden's visit to underline India's strategic importance!

Come Bidden! we have to sell off our defence! US Vice President Joe Biden's visit to underline India's strategic importance!


Palash Biswas


Email:palashbiswaskl@gmail.com



Skype:palash.biswas44


Amazing! Finance Minister of India, P Chidambaram has done so many things visiting United States of America. We have to witness FDI Tsunami after suffering from Himalayan Tsunami. The corporate government of India has already set the growth story in reliance mode.Now Chidambaram`s US visit is to be followed up by US vice president.


Welcome Bidden! We have to sell off our defence!


In his first official visit after assuming office in 2009, US Vice-President Joe Biden will be in India from July 22 to 25.Biden will reportedly arrive in Delhi for official meetings and will also travel to Mumbai.Joe Biden will embark on his maiden visit to India as US Vice President on Monday to discuss key bilateral issues, including trade, energy and defence, to make Indo-US ties the most important strategic partnership of the 21st century.During his four-day-long stay in India, Biden will hold meetings with top Indian leadership, including President Pranab Mukherjee and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh.Biden, accompanied by his wife Jill would arrive in New Delhi on July 22, would focus on four key issues of economic and trade ties, energy and climate change; defense co-operation and a wide range of regional co-operation.


New Delhi is expecting to seal deals worth billions of dollars for helicopters, howitzer guns, weapons systems and platforms with the US. Several deals through the foreign military sales (FMS) route are in the pipeline and expected to be finalised in 2013-14. Six C-130 J special operations aircraft from Lockheed Martin, valued at $1.2 billion, have already arrived in the country and an order for six more is in the offing. India is also planning to place an order for M777 ultra-light howitzers for $700 million from BAE Systems US. Also shortlisted are 22 Boeing Apache Longbow strike helicopters ($1.2 billion), 15 heavy-lift Boeing CH Chinook helicopters ($1.4 billion) for the Indian Air Force.The visit follows John Kerry`s latest mission in India to open the doors of Indian defence which already saw the most important anti national policy decision to enhance FDI in defence after Chidambaram`s return from USA.Yes,it could herald the clinching of a series of military hardware deals worth billions of dollars between New Delhi and American defence corporations. India, which spent $40 billion for defence procurement in the three years up to 2011-12, has lined up capital expenditure of another $100 billion by 2021-22 to modernise its armed forces. Washington eyes to get a large share of this market.


Ahead of his visit, the US has welcomed India's decision to increase foreign direct investment in key sectors like defence, telecom and insurance.Just see the content between the lines!Chidambaram pipeline is exposed.Both sides are also expected to discuss US concerns on India's intellectual property regime, which the US feels hampers India's ability to attract foreign investment.A recent report by the US Chamber of Commerce had been critical of India's IP regime and said India needed to strengthen its intellectual property regime.Without naming them, a senior administration official said that firms that rely heavily on H-1Bs would have to take "another look at their business model".


Referencing recent FDI changes announced by India, Biden said in a speech on Thursday, "We still have a lot of work to do on a wide range of issues, including the civil nuclear cooperation, a bilateral investment treaty, policies protecting innovation."


US vice president Joe Biden will press India on economic and trade reforms and push back against New Delhi's concerns about immigration during his visit starting Monday.Senior administration officials said Friday economic ties will be at the top of Biden's agenda, and he will be focussing on intellectual property rights protection, trade and investment.Pressing India for more economic reforms, US Vice President Joe Biden will raise a host of issues ranging from further opening up the retail sector to a stable tax regime during his first India trip next week.


While the US welcomed India's raising of foreign direct investment limits in certain sectors last week, "we look forward to continuing to work together to further increase American investment", a senior administration official said Friday.



More over,India and the US have still to work out the commercial details of a contract between Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd. (NPCIL) and US' Westinghouse Electric for setting up the first US reactor in India.It is an obvious concern in Washington that US leadership hitherto failed to expoloit Indo US nuclear deal despite strategic partnership in the war against terror.Afghanistan, the drawdown of the US-led international forces in 2014 and the earlier proposed talks with the Taliban as well as the new regime in Pakistan are also likely to figure in the talks.


U.S. Vice President Joseph Biden on Thursday reaffirmed the Obama administration's commitment to its rebalance toward Asia and the Pacific, saying the strategy reflects the importance of a region struggling with ... humanitarian disasters, conflict between nations and the persistent threat caused by North Korea," he spoke at an event hosted by the Center for American Progress think tank at George Washington University, as he is scheduled to visit India and Singapore next week.


Kerry, during a joint press conference with Indian External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid last month had said that both sides were committed to "fully implement" the Indo-US civil nuclear deal and arrive at a common agreement "by September this year" for the first US reactor in India.


Asked whether it would be implemented by September, the Indian official said "it is early, we still have some time". India's nuclear-liability law, which puts the onus on the supplier, is a factor on which the US has been seeking clarifications.


India and the US would also discuss the recent FDI reforms and the prospect of India purchasing LNG from the US, following the findings of large deposits of shale gas in the US.


Biden's trip "would also afford a chance to point that international firms can play a very constructive role in developing India's retail sector to meet the needs of India's growing population in a way that benefit Indian farmers and consumers as well as American business," he said in a White House teleconference call.


"You can expect that this will be a very important agenda," the official said ahead of Biden's four day trip which starts Monday.


The visit would be the first by a US vice president in 30 years since then incumbent George H.W. Bush came in the eighties.


"We will raise the concerns that we have just as we will advise the Indian government to raise the concerns that they have and its views on how we can facilitate economic opportunity for Indian companies in the US."


mong the key issues the official listed were "India's need to provide automatic protection of intellectual property and the importance of a stable predictable tax regime."


Biden, he said, "will describe how reforms in these areas can help strengthen trade and investment ties and will help further India's incredible growth story".


The vice president's trip, "will be a chance to build upon all of the commercial and economic dialogue that we have going with India right now", the official said, referring to the visits of three Indian ministers here last week and US Secretary of State John Kerry's visit to India last month for the India-US strategic dialogue.


Asked about the landmark India-US civil nuclear deal, which has been a limbo over India's nuclear liability laws, the official said, "both of us regard this as a signature achievement and are keen to maximise it".


"We also recognise there are issues associated with it and we need to be engaged on it," he said.


As Biden himself told a Washington think tank Thursday, "we still have a lot of work to do on a wide range of issues".


"There is a lot of work to do," he said listing civil nuclear cooperation, bilateral investment treaty and policies promoting innovation.


"There's a lot of work to do. But we believe doing -- going with an open mind and listening, as well as making our case, we believe it can be done."


At present cooperation with the US in the field of LNG imports is held up because American law requires case-by-case exemptions to countries that do not have a free trade agreement (FTA) with the US, said the source. The US has now begun cooperation with Japan, a non-FTA partner, for export of LNG, which holds promise for India. American shale gas, liquefied gas found trapped between layers of shale, is cheap. "If this opens up, it will change the whole energy equation," said the source.


The visit is being seen as a build-up to Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's visit to the US in September-October this year. Biden, known for his flamboyant hugs and big speeches, is expected to call on President Pranab Mukherjee and meet Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. He will hold talks with Vice-President Hamid Ansari and External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid will call on him.He is likely to meet UPA chairperson Sonia Gandhi and Leader of Opposition Sushma Swaraj during his stay in the Capital.He is also expected to have some public engagements that are being worked out by the Indian and US officials.


Biden, 70, had visited New Delhi in 2008 as a Senator.Biden, who wanted to travel to India in the first term itself, would begin his trip with a visit to the Gandhi Smriti Museum to show his respect to the Father of the Nation.All his meetings have been scheduled for July 23, at the end of which he would attend a dinner hosted in his honour by Ansari.


Biden would spend the next two days – July 24 and 25 -- in Mumbai, where he would meet the business leaders at a round table and deliver a policy speech at the Bombay Stock Exchange.He is expected to set up an "ambitious vision" for India- US relationship, in addition to the a women's empowerment event at IIT Mumbai.


He would leave for Singapore on July 25.


All this while, Jill would hold a series of health and nutritional events in New Delhi and Mumbai and visit the Taj Mahal in Agra.


Biden, however, would not be visiting the Taj Mahal.


"One of the reasons why President (Barack) Obama called our relations with India, quote, 'a defining partnership of the century ahead' is that India is increasingly looking east as a force for security and growth in Southeast Asia and beyond," Biden told an audience at the prestigious George Washington University  on Friday.


"India is obviously a key player and increasingly so in the Asia Pacific region. The United States and India have an increasingly bilateral relationship as our countries grow and deepen ties incredibly in broad range of areas," a senior Obama administration official told reporters during a conference call.


Four areas in particular would be at the top of the agenda of the visit of the Vice President, he said.


"The first would be of economic cooperation, where the Vice President would focus on issues of investment policies to intellectual property and speak to how we can work together to close the gap between where we are today and where we can be in our bilateral trade and investment and in our cooperations in multi-lateral trade investment forum," the official said.


In the second area of energy and climate, the official said Biden would speak to the work that the two countries need to do together to realise the promise of the civil nuclear agreement and the work that the two nations should be doing together to be leaders on addressing global challenge on climate change.


Identifying defence co-operation as the third area, the official said the US and India have built a strong foundation in this over the past few years.


"The Vice President would come to talk together, how we can come together to build even stronger and deeper co-operation going forward," he said.


The wide range of regional co-operation that the United States and India has embarked upon both in South Asia and East Asia relating to maritime security to counter terrorism would be the fourth area of focus of Biden's trip, he said.


In his policy speeches in Mumbai, Biden is expected to set out an "ambitious vision" for India US relationship.


"On the issue of defence and security, and regional co-operation I think he would point out that increasingly United States and India are coming into strategic convergence in terms of what our key interests are and how we can pursue them, related to maritime security and freedom of navigation, related to issues of stability to create regional integration and growth," the official said.


"It will be a speech geared not towards policy makers or government officials, but to the people of India," the senior administration official said.


The US Vice-President's visit was first announced by Secretary of State John F Kerry at a joint press conference after co-chairing the fourth round of Indo-US Strategic Dialogue with Khurshid last month.


In fact, a US team is in India to look into the logistics and arrangements of the visit.


"A US advance team is in Delhi to prepare for Biden's visit which will happen between July 20 to 30," Syed Akbaruddin, official spokesperson, Ministry of External Affairs, said here on Monday.


It will be the highest-level visit by an American official in the last three years. US President Barack Obama had visited India in 2010.


India–United States relations

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Indo-American relations
Map indicating locations of India and USA

India
United States
President Barack Obama with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh at the White House.

India–United States relations (or Indo-American relations) refers to the international relations that exist between the Republic of India and the United States of America.

Despite being one of the pioneers and founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement of 1961, India developed a closer relationship with the Soviet Union during the Cold War. During that period, India's relatively cooperative strategic and military relations with Moscow and strong socialist policies had a distinctly adverse impact on its relations with the United States. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, India began to review its foreign policy in an unipolar world, and took steps to develop closer ties with theEuropean Union and the United States. Key recent developments include the very rapid growth of the India economy and the growth of trade, the close links between the Indian and American computer and internet industries, and the reversal in 2008 of the long-standing American opposition to India's nuclear programme. Today, India and the US share an extensive cultural, strategic, military, and economic relationship.[1][2][3]

According to Gallup's annual public opinion polls, India is perceived byAmericans as their 7th favorite nation in the world, with 72% of Americans viewing India favorably in 2011, increasing to 75% in 2012.[4] As of 2012, Indian students form the second-largest group of international students studying in the United States, representing 13.1% of all foreigners pursuing higher education in America.[5]

History[edit]

To 1947[edit]

Historically, the relationships between India in the days of the British Raj and the US were thin.[6] The only significant immigration from India before 1965 involved Sikh farmers going to California in the early 20th century.[7] Very few American businessmen, tourists, religious seekers or Christian missionaries spent much time in India.[8]

The religiously curious in the U.S. welcomed the visit of Swami Vivekananda, who introduced Yoga and Vedanta to America at theWorld's Parliament of Religions in Chicago, in connexion with the World's Fair there in 1893. He also spoke to large audiences in Chicago and at numerous other venues in 1893-94. He raised some money but won few followers, so he moved on to England.[9]

Mark Twain visited India in 1896[10] and described it in his travelogue Following the Equator with both revulsion and attraction before concluding that India was the only foreign land he dreamed about or longed to see again.[11] Regarding India, Americans learned more from English writer Rudyard Kipling.[12] Mahatma Gandhi had an important influence on the philosophy of non-violence promoted byMartin Luther King, Jr. in the 1950s.

World War II[edit]

Everything changed in World War Two, when India became the main base for the American China Burma India Theater (CBI) in the war against Japan. Tens of thousands of American servicemen arrived, bringing all sorts of advanced technology, and money; they left in 1945. Serious tension erupted over American demands, led by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, that India be given independence, a proposition Prime Minister Winston Churchill vehemently rejected. For years Roosevelt had encouraged Britain's disengagement from India. The American position was based on principled opposition to colonialism, practical concern for the outcome of the war, and the expectation of a large American role in a post-colonial era. However, in 1942 when the Congress Party launched a Quit India movement, the British authorities immediately arrested tens of thousands of activists. Meanwhile India became the main American staging base for aid to China. Churchill threatened to resign if Roosevelt pushed too hard, so Roosevelt backed down.[13][14]

Post-independence (1947-1997)[edit]

After Indian independence and until the end of the Cold War, the relationship between the US and India was cold and often thorny. In the late 1940s, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru rejected American suggestions for resolving the Kashmir crisis. His 1949 tour of the U.S. was "an undiplomatic disaster" that left bad feelings on both sides.[15] India rejected the American advice that it not recognise the Communist conquest of China, but it did back the US when it supported the 1950 United Nations resolution condemning North Korea's aggression in the Korean War. India tried to act as a broker to help end that war, and served as a conduit for diplomatic messages between the US and China. Meanwhile poor harvests forced India to ask for free American food, which was given starting in 1950.[16] In the first dozen years of Indian independence—1947–1959—the U.S. provided $1.7 billion in gifts, including $931 million in food. The Soviet Union provided about half as much, largely in the form of steel mills.[17] In 1961, the U.S. pledged $1.0 billion in development loans, in addition to $1.3 billion of free food.[18]

In 1959, Dwight D. Eisenhower was the first US President to visit India to strengthen the staggering former ties. He was so supportive that the New York Times remarked, "It did not seem to matter much whether Nehru had actually requested or been given a guarantee that the US would help India to meet further Chinese Communist aggression. What mattered was the obvious strengthening of Indian-American friendship to a point where no such guarantee was necessary."[19]

John Kenneth Galbraith, at far left, as U.S. ambassador to India, with President John F. Kennedy, Vice-President Lyndon B. Johnson and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru of India, 1961

During John F. Kennedy's period as President (1961–63), India was considered a strategic partner and counterweight to the rise of Communist China. Kennedy said,

"Chinese Communists have been moving ahead the last 10 years. India has been making some progress, but if India does not succeed with her 450 million people, if she can't make freedom work, then people around the world are going to determine, particularly in the underdeveloped world, that the only way they can develop their resources is through the Communist system."

The Kennedy administration was also disturbed by what was considered "blatant Chinese Communist aggression against India" after the Sino-Indian War. In a May 1963 National Security Council meeting, the United States discussed contingency planning that could be implemented in the event of another Chinese attack on India. Defense Secretary Robert McNamara and General Maxwell Taylor advised the president to use nuclear weaponsshould the Americans intervene in such a situation. Kennedy insisted that Washington defend India as it would any ally, saying, "We should defend India, and therefore we willdefend India."[20]

Kennedy's ambassador to India was the noted liberal economist John Kenneth Galbraith. While in India, Galbraith helped establish one of the first Indian computer science departments, at the Indian Institute of Technology in Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh. As an economist, he also presided over the to-that-date largest US foreign aid program to any country.

Following the assassination of Kennedy in 1963, Indo-US relations deteriorated gradually and hit an all time low in the early 1970s, especially during the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war. By this time, the US under the Nixon administration established a close relationship with India's arch-rival Pakistan, aiding it militarily and economically, and also improved relations with China, as India under the Prime Ministership of Indira Gandhi was seen as leaning toward the Soviet Union. Indo-US relations improved significantly during Jimmy Carter's tenure as US President and Morarji Desai's tenure as Indian Prime Minister in the late 1970s. However, when India refused to support the US in its fight against the Soviet invasion in Afghanistan, the relations between both the countries once again became strained. Not until 1997 was there any significant effort by both the countries to improve relations with each other.[21]

The Hurdles in India-United States Relations[edit]

The main hurdles, according to Sailen Debnath, that intermittently impaired the relations between India and the United States have been as under:

  1. Though both the countries of India and the U.S.A. have been democratic, in spite of US efforts since the time of Dwight D. Eisenhower and during the period of Kennedy to make and maintain reliable and durable friendship with India, India in the name of non-Alignment played the role of a strong supporter of the Soviet Union, for Nehru and many of his associates and successors suffered from Russophilia and Sinomania; and above all, the Indian left leaders kept constant pressure on Indian foreign policy makers to maintain distance from the U.S.A.[22]
  2. India's anti-Zionist stand and leaning toward the Muslim side in debates regarding Israel is at odds with American policy, regardless of party-lines in the U.S.A.[22]
  3. The role of Pakistan as a catalyst in normalising Sino-US relations in the 1970s led the US to favour Pakistan.

Post-Globalisation (1998-2008)[edit]

Embassy of India in Washington, D.C.

Soon after Atal Bihari Vajpayee became Indian Prime Minister, he authorised nuclear weapons testing at Pokhran. The United States strongly condemned this testing, promised sanctions, and voted in favour of a United Nations Security Council Resolution condemning the tests. President Bill Clinton then imposed economic sanctions on India, including cutting off all military and economic aid, freezing loans by American banks to state-owned Indian companies, prohibiting loans to the Indian government for all except food purchases, prohibiting American technology and uranium exports to India, and requiring the US to oppose all loan requests by India to international lending agencies.[23] However, these sanctions proved ineffective - India was experiencing a strong economic rise, and its trade with the US only constituted a small portion of its GDP. Only Japan joined the US in imposing direct sanctions, while most other nations continued to trade with India. The sanctions were soon lifted. Afterward, the Clinton administration and Prime Minister Vajpayee exchanged representatives to help rebuild relations. In March 2000, U.S. President Bill Clinton visited India, undertaking bilateral and economic discussions with Prime Minister Vajpayee. Over the course of improved diplomatic relations with the Bush Administration, India agreed to allow close international monitoring of its nuclear weapons development, although it has refused to give up its current nuclear arsenal.[24] India and the US since have also greatly increased their economic ties.

After the September 11 attacks against the US in 2001, President George W. Bush collaborated closely with India in controlling and policing the strategically critical Indian Ocean sea lanes from the Suez Canal to Singapore. After the December 2004 tsunami, the US and Indian navies cooperated in search and rescue operations and in the reconstruction of affected areas. An Open Skies Agreementwas signed in April 2005, enhancing trade, tourism, and business via the increased number of flights, and Air India purchased 68 USBoeing aircraft at a cost of $8 billion.[25]

Former US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and former US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice made recent visits to India as well in 2005. The United States and India also signed a bilateral Agreement on Science and Technology Cooperation in 2005.[26] AfterHurricane Katrina, India donated $5 million to the American Red Cross and sent two planeloads of relief supplies and materials to help.[27] Then, on 1 March 2006, President Bush made another diplomatic visit to further expand relations between India and the US.[28]

Recent relations[edit]

India emerged in the 21st century as increasingly vital to core US foreign policy interests. India, the dominant actor in its region, and the home of more than one billion citizens, is now often characterised as a nascent Great Power and an "indispensable partner" of the US, one that many analysts view as a potential counterweight to the growing clout of China. Since 2004, Washington and New Delhi have been pursuing a "strategic partnership" that is based on shared values and generally convergent geopolitical interests. Numerous economic, security, and global initiatives - including plans for civilian nuclear cooperation - are underway. This latter initiative, first launched in 2005, reversed three decades of American non-proliferation policy. Also in 2005, the United States and India signed a ten-year defence framework agreement, with the goal of expanding bilateral security cooperation. The two countries now engage in numerous and unprecedented combined military exercises, and major US arms sales to India have gotten under way. The value of all bilateral trade tripled from 2004 to 2008 and continues to grow, while significant two-way investment also grows and flourishes.[29] The influence of a large Indian-American community is reflected in the largest country-specific caucus in the United States Congress, while from 2009-2010 more than 100,000 Indian students have attended American colleges and universities.[30]

During the tenure of the George W. Bush administration, relations between India and the United States were seen to have blossomed, primarily over common concerns regarding growing Islamic extremism, energy security, and climate change.[31] In November 2010, President Barack Obama visited India and addressed a joint session of the Indian Parliament, where he backed India's bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.[32]

Country comparison[edit]

India India Flag of the United States.svg United States
Population 1,210,193,422314,256,000
Area 3,287,240 km2 (1,269,210 sq mi)9,526,468 km2 (3,678,190 sq mi)[33]
Population Density 370/km2 (958.2/sq mi)33.7/km2 (87.4/sq mi)
Capital New Delhi Washington, D.C.
Largest CityMumbai – 13,922,125 (21,347,412 Metro) New York City – 8,363,710 (19,006,798 Metro)
GovernmentQuasi-federal parliamentary constitutional republic Federal presidential constitutional republic
Official languagesHindi and English, 21 other constitutionally recognised languages English (de facto)
Main religions80.5% Hinduism, 13.4% Islam, 2.3%Christianity, 1.9% Sikhism, 0.8% Buddhism, 0.4% Jainism 78.4% Christianity, 16.1% non-Religious, 1.7%Judaism, 0.7% Buddhism, 0.6% Islam, 0.4%Hinduism[34]
Ethnic groupsSee Ethnic Groups of India 58.08% White American, 14.8% Hispanic and Latino Americans (of any race), 13.4% African American,
6.5% Some other race, 4.4% Asian American, 2.0%Two or more races,
0.68% American Indian or Alaska Native, 0.14%Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander
GDP (nominal) $1.848 trillion ($1,389 per capita)[35] (10th) $15.094 trillion ($48,386 per capita) (1st)
GDP (PPP) $4.515 trillion ($3,694 per capita)[35](3rd) $15.094 trillion ($48,386 per capita) (1st)
Indian Americans 60,000 American born people living in India 2,765,815 People of Indian origin living in the United States
Military expenditures $48.9 billion (FY 2012)$700.7 billion (FY 2012) [36]
Military Troops 4,768,4072,927,754
English Speakers 125,226,449267,444,149
Labour Forces 478,300,000154,900,000
Telecommunications(Mobile Phones) 893,843,534327,577,529

Military relations[edit]

President Richard Nixon and Prime Minister of India Indira Gandhi in 1971. They had a deep personal antipathy that colored bilateral relations.

US-India military relations derive from a common belief in freedom, democracy, and the rule of law, and seek to advance shared security interests. These interests include maintaining security and stability, defeating violent religious extremism and terrorism, preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction and associated materials, data, and technologies, and protecting the free flow of commerce.

In recent years, India has conducted large joint military exercises with the US in the Indian Ocean.[37]

Recognising India as a key to its strategic interests, the United States has sought to strengthen its relationship with India. The two countries are the world's largest democracies, and both are committed to political freedom protected by representative government. India is also moving (gradually) toward greater economic freedom. The US and India have a common interest in the free flow of commerce and resources, including through the vital sea lanes of the Indian Ocean. They also share an interest in creating a strategically stable[clarification needed] Asia.

There have been some differences, however, including US concerns over the nuclear weapons programmes and the pace of economic reforms in India. In the past, these concerns may have dominated US thinking, but today the US views India as a growing world power with which it shares common strategic interests.[citation needed] A strong partnership between the two countries will continue to address differences and shape a dynamic and collaborative future.

In late September 2001, President Bush lifted sanctions imposed under the terms of the 1994 Nuclear Proliferation Prevention Act following India's nuclear tests in May 1998. The non-proliferation dialogue has bridged many of the gaps in understanding between the countries. In a meeting between President Bush and Prime Minister Vajpayee in November 2001, the two leaders expressed a strong interest in transforming the US-India bilateral relationship. High-level meetings and concrete cooperation between the two countries increased during 2002 and 2003. In January 2004, the US and India launched the "Next Steps in Strategic Partnership" (NSSP), which was both a milestone in the transformation of the bilateral relationship and a blueprint for its further progress.

In July 2005, Bush hosted Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in Washington, D.C. The two leaders announced the successful completion of the NSSP, as well as other agreements which further enhanced cooperation in the areas of civil nuclear, civil space, and high-technology commerce. Other initiatives announced included a US-India economic dialogue, the fight Against HIV/AIDS, disaster relief, technology cooperation, an agriculture knowledge initiative, a trade policy forum, energy dialogue, CEO Forum, and an initiative to assist each-other in furthering democracy and freedom.[38] President Bush made a reciprocal visit to India in March 2006, during which the progress of these initiatives were reviewed, and new initiatives were launched.

In December 2006, the US Congress passed the historic Henry J. Hyde US-India Peaceful Atomic Cooperation Act, which allows direct civilian nuclear commerce with India for the first time in 30 years. US policy had been opposed to nuclear cooperation with India in prior years because India had developed nuclear weapons against international conventions, and had never signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NNPT). The legislation clears the way for India to buy US nuclear reactors and fuel for civilian use.

Nuclear cooperation[edit]

In July 2007, the two countries reached a historic milestone in their strategic partnership by completing negotiations on the bilateral agreement for peaceful nuclear cooperation, also known as the "123 Agreement." Signed on 10 October 2008 by Secretary of State Rice and Indian External Affairs Minister Mukherjee, the agreement governs civil nuclear trade between the two countries, and opens the door for American and Indian firms to participate in each other's civil nuclear energy sector.[39][40] Rani argues that India benefits from the agreement in terms of energy security, economic growth, environmental impact, and improvements in science and technology. The benefits to the U.S. include economic market improvements, job creation, and the advancement of non-proliferation objectives.[41]

Economic relations[edit]

The United States is one of India's largest direct investors. From 1991 to 2004, the stock of FDI inflow has increased from USD $11.3 million to $344.4 million, and totaling $4.13 billion. This is a compound rate increase of 57.5 percent annually. Indian direct investments abroad began in 1992, and Indian corporations and registered partnership firms are now allowed to invest in businesses up to 100 percent of their net worth. India's largest outgoing investments are in the manufacturing sector, which accounts for 54.8 percent of the country's foreign investments. The second largest are in non-financial services (software development), accounting for 35.4 percent of investments.

Trade relations[edit]

U.S. President George W. Bush and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh during a meeting with Indian and American business leaders in New Delhi.

The US is one of India's largest trading partners. In 2011, the US exported $21.50 billion worth of goods to India, and imported $36.15 billion worth of Indian goods.[42] Major items imported from India include information technology services, textiles, machinery, gems anddiamonds, chemicals, iron and steel products, coffee, tea, and other edible food products. Major American items imported by India include aircraft, fertilisers, computer hardware,scrap metal, and medical equipment.[43][44]

The United States is also India's largest investment partner, with a direct investment of $9 billion (accounting for 9 percent of total foreign investment). Americans have made notable foreign investments in the Asian country's power generation, telecommunications, ports, roads, petroleum exploration and processing, and mining industries.[44]

In July 2005, President Bush and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh created a new programme called the Trade Policy Forum. It is run by a representative from each nation. The United States Trade Representative was Rob Portman, and the Indian Commerce Secretary then-Minister of Commerce Kamal Nath. The goal of the programme is to increase bilateral trade and investment flow. There are five main sub-divisions of the Trade Policy Forum, including:

  • The goals of the Tariff and Non-Tariff Barriers group include agreeing that insecticides manufactured by US companies can be sold throughout India. India had also agreed to cut special regulations on trading carbonated drinks, many medicinal drugs, and lowering regulations on many imports that are not of an agricultural nature. Both nations have agreed to discuss improved facets of Indian regulation in the trade of jewellery, computer parts, motorcycles, fertiliser, and those tariffs that affect American exporting of boric acid. The group has also discussed matters such as those wishing to break into the accounting market, Indian companies gaining licenses for the telecommunications industry, and setting policies regarding Indian media and broadcasting markets. Other foci include the exchange of valuable information on recognising different professional services, discussing the movement and positioning of people in developing industries, continuation of talks on financial services markets, limitation of equities, insurance, retail, joint investment in agricultural processing and transportation industries, and small business initiatives.

The majority of exports from the US to India include: aviation equipment, engineering materials and machinery, instruments used in optical and medical sectors, fertilisers, and stones and metals. Below are the percentages of traded items (India to US), which have increased by 21.12 percent to $6.94 billion:

  1. Diamonds & precious stones (25 percent)
  2. Textiles (29.01 percent)
  3. Iron & Steel (5.81 percent)
  4. Machinery (4.6 percent)
  5. Organic chemicals (4.3 percent)
  6. Electrical Machinery (4.28 percent)

Major items of export (US to India) for the year 2006 (up to the month of April) were $2.95 billion USD:

  1. Engineering goods & machinery (including electrical) (31.2 percent)
  2. Aviation & aircraft (16.8 percent)
  3. Precious stones & metals (8.01 percent)
  4. Optical instruments & equipment (7.33 percent)
  5. Organic chemicals (4.98 percent)

Ties under the Obama Administration (2009-present)[edit]

Just days into President Barack Obama's term, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and India's External Affairs Minister agreed to "further strengthen the excellent bilateral relationship" between the two countries. Soon afterward, President Obama issued a statement asserting that, "Our rapidly growing and deepening friendship with India offers benefits to all the worlds citizens", and that the people of India "should know they have no better friend and partner than the people of the United States." As part of her confirmation hearing, Hillary Clinton told US senators she would work to fulfill President Obama's commitment to "establish a true strategic partnership with India, increase our military cooperation, trade, and support democracies around the world."

Despite such top-level assurances from the new US Administration, during 2009 and into 2010, many in India became increasingly concerned that Washington was not focusing on the bilateral relationship with the same vigor as did the previous. Many concerns arose in New Delhi that the Obama Administration was overly focused on US relations with China in ways that would reduce India's influence and visibility. In addition, the government of India was concerned that America was intent on deepening relations with India's main rival, Pakistan, in ways that could be harmful to Indian security and perhaps lead to a more interventionist approach to the Kashmir problem, that a new US emphasis on nuclear nonproliferation and arms control would lead to pressure on India to join such multilateral initiatives as the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the Fissile Materials Cutoff Treaty, and that the Administration might pursue (so-called) protectionist economic policies that could adversely affect bilateral commerce in goods and services.

New Delhi has also long sought the removal of Indian companies and organisations from US export control lists, seeing these as discriminatory and outdated. Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Robert Blake contends that much progress has been made in this area, with less than one-half of one percent of all exports to India requiring any license.

India also continued to seek explicit US support for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council. However, the Obama Administration said it recognised a "need to reassess institutions of global governance", and asserted that India's rise "will certainly be a factor in any future consideration of reform" of that Council.

Secretary of State Clinton was widely seen to have concluded a successful visit to India in July 2009, inking several agreements, making important symbolic points by staying at Mumbai's Taj Mahal hotel (site of a major terrorist attack in 2008), and having a high-profile meeting with women's groups. While in New Delhi, Clinton set forth five "key pillars" of the US-India engagement: (1) strategic cooperation, (2) energy and climate change, (3) economics, trade, and agriculture, (4) education and development, and (5) science, technology, and innovation.

In November 2009, President Obama hosted an inaugural state visit with Prime Minister Singh at the White House. Despite its important symbolism, the resulting diplomacy was seen by many proponents of closer ties as disappointing (if not an outright failure) in its outcome, at least to the extent that no "breakthroughs" in the bilateral relationship were announced[citation needed]. Yet from other perspectives there were visible ideational gains: the relationship was shown to transcend the preferences of any single leader or government, the two leaders demonstrated that their mutual strategic goals were increasingly well-aligned, and plans were made to continue taking advantage of complementarities, with differences being well-managed. Perhaps most significantly, the visit itself contributed to ameliorating concerns in India that the Obama Administration was insufficiently attuned to India's potential role as a US partner.

President Obama's May 2010 National Security Strategy noted that, "The United States and India are building a strategic partnership that is underpinned by our shared interests, our shared values as the world's two largest democracies, and close connections among our people," and

"Working together through our Strategic Dialogue and high-level visits, we seek a broad-based relationship in which India contributes to global counterterrorism efforts, nonproliferation, and helps promote poverty reduction, education, health, and sustainable agriculture. We value India's growing leadership on a wide array of global issues, through groups such as the G-20, and will seek to work with India to promote stability in South Asia and elsewhere in the world."

June 2010 Strategic Dialogue[edit]

In June 2010, the United States and India formally re-engaged the US-India Strategic Dialogue initiated under President Bush when a large delegation of high-ranking Indian officials, led by External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna, visited Washington, D.C. As leader of the US delegation, Secretary of State Clinton lauded India as "an indispensable partner and a trusted friend".[45] President Obama appeared briefly at a United States Department of State reception to declare his firm belief that America "will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century."[46] The Strategic Dialogue produced a joint statement in which the two countries pledged to "deepen people-to-people, business-to-business, and government-to-government linkages ... for the mutual benefit of both countries and for the promotion of global peace, stability, economic growth and prosperity."[47] It outlined extensive bilateral initiatives in each of ten key areas: (1) advancing global security and countering terrorism, (2) disarmament and nonproliferation, (3) trade and economic relations, (4) high technology, (5) energy security, clean energy, and climate change, (6) agriculture, (7) education, (8) health, (9) science and technology, and (10) development.[48]

President Obama's planned travel to India[edit]

See also: India-United States relations#2010 visit by President Obama

While US-India engagement under the Obama Administration has not (to date) realised any groundbreaking initiatives (comparable to that of the Bush Administration), it may be that the growing "dominance of ordinariness" in the relationship is a hidden strength that demonstrates its maturing into diplomatic normalcy. In this way, the nascent partnership may yet transform into a "special relationship" similar to those the United States has with the United Kingdom, Australia, and Japan, as is envisaged by some proponents of deeper US-India ties.

As the US President planned his November 2010 visit to India, an array of prickly bilateral issues confronted him, including differences over the proper regional roles to be played by China and Pakistan, the status of conflict in Afghanistan, international efforts to address Iran's controversial nuclear program, restrictions on high-technology exports to India, outsourcing, and sticking points on the conclusion of arrangements for both civil nuclear and military cooperation, among others.

According to some foreign policy experts, Obama's India visit was going to change US approach towards India permanently. This was later proved when President Obama saw India as a prominent Great Power on the world stage and declared it as one of the most important allies of the US President Obama also openly supported India's bid for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council. Obama's India Visit is seen by some foreign relations experts as the most successful US Presidential Visit to India.

Foreign policy issues[edit]

According to some analysts, India-US relations have been strained over the Obama administration's approach to handling the Taliban insurgency in Afghanistan and Pakistan.[49][50] India's National Security Adviser, M.K. Narayanan, criticised the Obama administration for linking the Kashmir dispute to the instability in Pakistan and Afghanistan, and said that by doing so, President Obama was "barking up the wrong tree."[51] Foreign Policy in February 2009 also criticised Obama's approach to South Asia, saying that "India can be a part of the solution rather than part of the problem" in South Asia. It also suggested that India take a more proactive role in rebuildingAfghanistan, irrespective of the attitude of the Obama Administration.[52] In a clear indication of growing rift between the two countries, India decided not to accept a US invitation to attend a conference on Afghanistan at the end of February 2009.[53] Bloomberg has also reported that, since the 2008 Mumbai attacks, the public mood in India has been to pressure Pakistan more aggressively to take actions against the culprits behind the terrorist attack, and that this might reflect on the upcoming Indian general elections in May 2009. Consequently, the Obama Administration may find itself at odds with India's rigid stance against terrorism.[54]

Robert Blake, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, dismissed any concerns over a rift with India regarding American AfPak policy. Calling India and the United States "natural allies",[55] Blake said that the United States cannot afford to meet the strategic priorities in Pakistan and Afghanistan at "the expense of India".[56]

Economic relations[edit]

President George W. Bush shakes hands with India's Prime Minister Manmohan Singh during his 2006 visit to India, atHyderabad House, New Delhi.

India strongly criticised the Obama Administration's decision to limit H-1B (temporary) visas, and India's then External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee (Now the President of India) said that his country would oppose US "protectionism" at various international forums.[57] TheVishwa Hindu Parishad, a close aide to India's main opposition party, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), said that if the United States continues with its anti-outsourcing policies, India will "have to take steps to hurt American companies in India."[58] India's Commerce Minister,Kamal Nath, said that India may move against Obama's outsourcing policies at the World Trade Organization.[59] However, the outsourcing advisory head of KPMG said that India had no reason to worry, since Obama's statements were directed against "outsourcing being carried out by manufacturing companies" and not outsourcing of IT-related services.[60]

In May 2009, President Obama reiterated his anti-outsourcing views and criticised the current US tax policy "that says you should pay lower taxes if you create a job in Bangalore, India, than if you create one in Buffalo, New York."[61] However, during the US-India Business Council meeting in June 2009, U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton advocated for stronger economic ties between India and the United States. She also rebuked protectionist policies, saying that "[United States] will not use the global financial crisis as an excuse to fall back on protectionism. We hope India will work with us to create a more open, equitable set of opportunities for trade between our nations."[62]

In June 2009, United States provided diplomatic help in successfully pushing through a $2.9 billion (USD) loan for India sponsored by the Asian Development Bank, despite considerable opposition from China.[63]

Strategic and military relations[edit]

See also: Quadrilateral Security Dialogue
U.S. Army and Indian Army soldiers duringYudh Abhyas 2012
""As part of that strategy, we [India and U.S.] should expand our broader security relationship and increase cooperation on counterterrorism and intelligence sharing." "

—Hillary Clinton, United States Secretary of State[62]

In March 2009, the Obama Administration cleared the $2.1 billion sale of eight P-8 Poseidons to India.[64] This deal, and the $5 billion agreement to provide Boeing C-17military transport aircraft and General Electric F414 engines announced during Obama's November 2010 visit, makes the US one of the top three military suppliers to India (after Israel and Russia).[65]

India has expressed its concerns that the Obama Administration's non-military aid to Pakistan will not be used for counter-insurgency, but for building up the Pakistani military, which India strongly opposes.[66] However,Robert Blake, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, said that the Pakistani government was increasingly focused on fighting the Taliban insurgency, and expressed hope that the people of India would "support and agree with what we are trying to do".[56]

Concerns were raised in India that the Obama Administration was also delaying the full implementation of the India-US Nuclear Deal.[67]The Obama administration has strongly advocated for the strengthening of the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, and has pressured India to sign the agreement. India's special envoy, Shyam Saran, "warned" the United States that India would continue to oppose any such treaty, as it was "discriminatory".[68] In June 2009, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that the Obama administration was "fully committed" to the India-US civil nuclear agreement.[69]

US Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mike Mullen has encouraged stronger military ties between India and the United States, and said that "India has emerged as an increasingly important strategic partner [of the US]".[70] US Undersecretary of State William Joseph Burns also said, "Never has there been a moment when India and America mattered more to each other." [71] The Deputy Secretary of Defence, Ashton Carter, during his address to the Asia Society in New York on August 1, 2012 said that India-US relationship has a global scope, in terms of the reach and influence of both countries. He also said that both countries are strengthening the relations between their defence and research organisations.[72]

While they have been pleased with the quality of the American weapons, the Indians have raised concerns about contract clauses forbidding the offensive deployment of these systems.[73]

2010 visit by President Obama[edit]

In November 2010, Obama became the second US President (after Richard Nixon in 1969) to undertake a visit to India in his first term in office. On 8 November, Obama also became the second US President to ever address a joint session of the Parliament of India. In a major policy shift, Obama declared US support for India's permanent membership on the UN Security Council.[74] Calling the India-US relationship "a defining partnership of the 21st century", he also announced the removal of export control restrictions on several Indian companies, and concluded trade deals worth $10 billion, which are expected to create and/or support 50,000 jobs in the US.[75]

See also[edit]

Portal icon India portal
Portal icon United States portal
Portal icon International relations portal

Notes[edit]

  1. ^ Teresita C. Schaffer, India and the United States in the 21st Century: Reinventing Partnership (2010)
  2. ^ India-U.S. Economic and Trade Relations
  3. ^ The Evolving India-U.S. Strategic Relationship
  4. ^ "Americans Give Record-High Ratings to Several U.S. Allies". Gallup.com. 2012-02-16. Gallup
  5. ^ TOP 25 PLACES OF ORIGIN OF INTERNATIONAL STUDENTS Institute of International Education
  6. ^ Holden Furber, "Historical and Cultural Aspects of Indo-American Relations," Journal of the University of Bombay(1965), Vol. 34 Issue 67/68, pp 95-116.
  7. ^ Juan L. Gonzales, Jr., "Asian Indian Immigration Patterns: The Origins of the Sikh Community in California," International Migration Review (1986) 20#1 pp 40-54 in JSTOR
  8. ^ Harold R. Isaacs, Scratches on Our Minds: American Views of China and India (1980) p 239
  9. ^ Satish K. Kapoor, "The Motivation Behind Swami Vivekananda'S 'Wanderjahre' in America," Indian Journal of American Studies (1981) 11#2 pp 62-68
  10. ^ Barbara Schmidt. "Chronology of Known Mark Twain Speeches, Public Readings, and Lectures". marktwainquotes.com. Retrieved January 1, 2013.
  11. ^ Gupta, Vipin; Saran, Pankaj (2007). David Leninson, Karen Christensen, ed. Global Perspectives on the United States: A Nation by Nation Survey, Volume 1. Great Barrington, MA: Berkshire Publishing Group. pp. 294–300. ISBN 978-1-933782-06-5.
  12. ^ Isaacs, Scratches on Our Minds: American Views of China and India (1980) p 241
  13. ^ Eric S. Rubin, "America, Britain, and Swaraj: Anglo-American Relations and Indian Independence, 1939–1945," India Review(2011) 10#1 pp 40–80
  14. ^ Arthur Herman (2008). Gandhi & Churchill: The Epic Rivalry That Destroyed an Empire and Forged Our Age. Random House Digital, Inc. pp. 472–539.
  15. ^ H.W. Brands, Inside the Cold War (1991) p 202-5, quote p 204
  16. ^ Brands, Inside the Cold War (1991) pp 212-24, 229
  17. ^ Richard P. Stebbins, The United States in World Affairs: 1959(1960) p 297
  18. ^ Richard P. Stebbins, The United States in World Affairs: 1961(1962) p 208
  19. ^ http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2009-01-21/us/28006522_1_strategic-counter-nuclear-fuel-supply-visit
  20. ^ [1] — Taipei Times,[2] Indian American Center for Political Awareness
  21. ^ https://globaledge.msu.edu/Countries/India/government
  22. ^ a b Sailen Debnath, West Bengal in Doldrums, chapter: The Leftists' Russophilia and Sinomania, ISBN 9788186860342, N.L. Publishers
  23. ^ http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/clinton-imposes-full-sanctionsindia/22222/
  24. ^ http://csis.org/files/media/csis/pubs/0104qus_india.pdf
  25. ^ http://www.boeing.co.in/Boeing-in-India/About-Boeing-in-India
  26. ^ Dolan, Bridget M. (12/10/12). "Science and Technology Agreements as Tools for Science Diplomacy". Science & Diplomacy 1 (4).
  27. ^ http://ia.rediff.com/news/2005/sep/03katrina.htm
  28. ^http://www.ipcs.org/pdf_file/news_archive/mar_06_nuclear.pdf
  29. ^ http://www.ustr.gov/countries-regions/south-central-asia/india
  30. ^ http://trade.gov/press/press-releases/2011/commerce-trade-official-to-lead-education-trade-mission-to-india-100711.asp
  31. ^ http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/studies/PDF-FILES/4%20-%20Ahmad%20Ejaz%20Artical-2_v13No1.pdf
  32. ^ Obama supports India on UN Security Council
  33. ^ "United States". Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved 31 January 2010.
  34. ^ Religious Affiliation Pew report
  35. ^ a b http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_india
  36. ^http://www.gpoaccess.gov/usbudget/fy10/pdf/budget/defense.pdf
  37. ^ Exercise Malabar
  38. ^ http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2005/07/20050718-6.html
  39. ^ http://www.dpcc.co.in/pdf/nuclearenergyprogramme.pdf
  40. ^ Schaffer, India and the United States (2010) pp 89-117
  41. ^ Sudesh Rani, "Indo-US Nuclear Agreement: A Critical Study,"Punjab Journal of Politics (2010) 34#1 pp71-87.
  42. ^ Foreign Trade Census
  43. ^ India - U.S. Trade and Economic Relations
  44. ^ a b India (10/07)
  45. ^ http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33529.pdf
  46. ^ http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2010/11/08/remarks-president-joint-session-indian-parliament-new-delhi-india
  47. ^ http://hyderabad.usconsulate.gov/clintonvisit0711.html
  48. ^ http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2011/07/168745.htm
  49. ^ [3]
  50. ^ [4]
  51. ^ http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2009-02-05/news/28438459_1_wrong-tree-narayanan-pakistan-and-india
  52. ^ India needs a lot more love from Obama
  53. ^ India not to attend conference on Afghanistan with Pakistan, U.S.
  54. ^ India's Terror Stance Vexes Obama Amid Voter Ire at Pakistan
  55. ^ Reflections on U.S. - India Relations - Robert O. Blake
  56. ^ a b New Strategic Partnerships Robert O. Blake
  57. ^ India says it will oppose U.S. 'protectionism'
  58. ^ Anger Grows in India over U.S. Visa Rules
  59. ^ India may contest Obama's move against outsourcing in WTO
  60. ^ 'Obama on outsourcing is no reason to panic'
  61. ^ U.S.-India Relations Strained under Obama
  62. ^ a b Remarks at U.S.-India Business Council's 34th Anniversary "Synergies Summit"
  63. ^ The China-India Border Brawl
  64. ^ U.S. OKs record $2.1 billion arms sale to India
  65. ^ Cohen, Stephen and Sanil Dasgupta. "Arms Sales for India". Brookings Institution. Retrieved 18 March 2011.
  66. ^ Indian Vote May Revive Stalled U.S. Defense, Nuclear Exports
  67. ^ Indo-U.S. nuclear deal in jeopardy
  68. ^ India warns Obama on nuclear test ban treaty
  69. ^ Hillary: fully committed to nuclear deal
  70. ^ India has emerged as a strategic partner for U.S.: Mullen
  71. ^ http://gsn.nti.org/gsn/nw_20100602_6708.php
  72. ^ "US India relationship is global in scope: Pentagon". 2 August 2012.
  73. ^ "Boeing Could Win Another Indian Helicopter Contract". 20 November 2012.
  74. ^ Stolberg, Sheryl (8 November 2010). [http://www.tribuneindia.com/2010/20100131/spectrum/main1.htmRichard Nixon visited India in 1969 after becoming the presidenthttp://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/09/world/asia/09prexy.html"Obama Backs India for Seat on Security Council"]. The New York Times. Retrieved 8 November 2010.[dead link]
  75. ^ Reynolds, Paul (8 November 2010). "Obama confirms U.S. strategic shift towards India". BBC. Retrieved 8 November 2010.

India US TradeIndia US Trade in 2015US Trade with BRIC: China holds the key Economic profile of India and the United Statesiyty

Further reading[edit]

  • Ayres, Alyssa and C. Raja Mohan, eds. Power Realignments in Asia: China, India and the United States (2009) excerpt and text search
  • Barnds, William J. India, Pakistan, and the Great Powers (1972)
  • Chary, M. Srinivas (1995). The Eagle and the Peacock: U.S. Foreign Policy Toward India Since Independence. Greenwood.
  • Brands, H. W. India and the United States: The Cold Peace (1990)
  • Brands, H. W. Inside the Cold War: Loy Henderson and the Rise of the American Empire 1918-1961 (1991) pp 196–230; Loy Henderson was US Ambassador, 1948–51
  • Chary, M. Srinivas. The Eagle and the Peacock: U.S. Foreign Policy toward India since Independence (1995) online edition
  • Clymer, Kenton J. Quest for Freedom: The United States and India's Independence (1995) online
  • Isaacs, Harold R. Scratches on Our Minds: American Views of China and India (1980) online
  • Karl, David J. "U.S.-India Relations: The Way Forward," Orbis (2012) 56#2 pp 308–327 online
  • Kux, Dennis. India and The United States: Estranged Democracies 1941 - 1991 (1993)
  • McMahon, Robert J. Cold War on the Periphery: The United States, India and Pakistan (1994) excerpt and text search
  • Merrill, Dennis (1990). Bread and the Ballot: The United States and India's Economic Development, 1947-1963. UNC Press.
  • Pant, Harsh V. "The US-India Nuclear Pact: Policy, Process, and Great Power Politics," Asian Security (2009) 5#3 pp 273–95 DOI: 10.1080/14799850903179012
  • Rani, Sudesh. "Indo-US Maritime Cooperation: Challenges and Prospects," Maritime Affairs: Journal of the National Maritime Foundation of India, Vol. 8, No. 2, (December 2012) Pages: 123-43 DOI:10.1080/09733159.2012.742664
  • Rotter, Andrew J. Comrades at Odds: The United States and India, 1947-1964 (2000)
  • Roy, Dr. P. C. Indo-U.S. Economic Relations. Rajouri Garden, New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1986. 73–125.
  • Schaffer, Teresita C. India and the United States in the 21st Century: Reinventing Partnership (2010)
  • Sharma, G. D. Indo Us Defence Cooperation (Vij Books, 2012), excerpt and text search
  • Sokolski, Henry. United States and India Strategic Cooperation (2010)

Primary sources[edit]

  • Bowles, Chester (1969). A View from New Delhi: Selected Speeches and Writings, 1963-1969. Yale U.P., US ambassador 1951-53 and 1963–69
  • Bowles, Chester. A View From New Delhi (1969) excerpt and text search
  • Bowles, Chester. Promises to Keep (1972), autobiography; pp 531–79 by US ambassador 1951-53 and 1963–69
  • Galbraith, John K. Ambassador's journal: a personal account of the Kennedy years (1969) online, he was US ambassador to India 1961-63
  • U.S. Department of State. Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), many volumes of primary sources; the complete texts of these large books are all online. See Guide to FRUS. For example, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XI, South Asia Crisis, 1971 was published in 2005 and is online here. The most recent volumes are Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–7, Documents on South Asia, 1969–1972 (2005) online here and Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume E–8, Documents on South Asia, 1973–1976 (2007) online here.

External links[edit]

Posted by at

No comments:

Post a Comment

Subscribe to: Post Comments (Atom)
Related Posts Plugin for WordPress, Blogger...